馬丁路德金英文演講稿：我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想

時(shí)間：2024-10-22 08:43:03 智聰稿件我要投稿

馬丁路德金我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想演講稿「英文」推薦度：
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　　馬丁·路德·金的長(zhǎng)子馬丁·路德·金三世在演講時(shí)說，他的父親在《我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想》中提到，希望自己的4個(gè)孩子有朝一日能不再因膚色、而是以品格優(yōu)劣而接受他人評(píng)價(jià)。從那時(shí)起半個(gè)世紀(jì)過去了，演講當(dāng)年并不是緬懷往昔或自我慶祝的時(shí)刻，任務(wù)遠(yuǎn)未完成，還有很長(zhǎng)的路要走。以下是小編整理的關(guān)于馬丁路德金英文演講稿：我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想。歡迎大家閱讀參考!

馬丁路德金英文演講稿：我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想

　　馬丁路德金英文演講稿：我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想(I have a dream)

　　I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

　　Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of bad captivity.

　　But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so weve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

　　In a sense weve come to our nations capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."

　　But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, weve come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

　　We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of Gods children.

　　It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negros legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

　　But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

　　The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

　　We cannot walk alone.

　　And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.

　　We cannot turn back.

　　There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negros basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating "for whites only." We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."

　　I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.

　　Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.

　　And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

　　I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."

　　I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

　　I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

　　I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

　　I have a dream today!

　　I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

　　I have a dream today!

　　I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."

　　This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.

　　With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

　　And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of Gods children will be able to sing with new meaning:

　　My country tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.

　　Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrims pride,

　　From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

　　And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

　　And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.

　　Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.

　　Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of

　　Pennsylvania.

　　Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.

　　Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.

　　But not only that:

　　Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.

　　Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.

　　Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.

　　From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

　　And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of Gods children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

　　Free at last! Free at last!

　　Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!

　　中文翻譯

　　一百年前，一位偉大的美國(guó)人簽署了《解放黑奴宣言》，今天我們就是在他的雕像前集會(huì)。這一莊嚴(yán)宣言猶如燈塔的光芒，給千百萬在那摧殘生命的不義之火中受煎熬的黑奴帶來了希望。它之到來猶如歡樂的黎明，結(jié)束了束縛黑人的漫長(zhǎng)之夜。

　　然而一百年后的今天，我們必須正視黑人還沒有得到自由這一悲慘的事實(shí)。一百年后的今天，在種族隔離的鐐銬和種族歧視的枷鎖下，黑人的生活備受壓榨；一百年后的今天，黑人仍生活在物質(zhì)充裕的海洋中一個(gè)窮困的孤島上；一百年后的今天，黑人仍然萎縮在美國(guó)社會(huì)的角落里，并且，意識(shí)到自己是故土家園中的流亡者。今天我們?cè)谶@里集會(huì)，就是要把這種駭人聽聞的情況公之于眾。

　　就某種意義而言，今天我們是為了要求兌現(xiàn)諾言而匯集到我們國(guó)家的首都來的。我們共和國(guó)的締造者草擬憲法和獨(dú)立宣言時(shí)，曾以氣壯山河的詞句向每一個(gè)美國(guó)人許下了諾言，他們承諾給予所有的人以不可剝奪的生存、自由和追求幸福的權(quán)利。

　　就有色公民而論，美國(guó)顯然沒有實(shí)踐她的諾言。美國(guó)沒有履行這項(xiàng)神圣的義務(wù)，只是給黑人開了一張空頭支票，支票上蓋上“資金不足”的戳子后便退了回來。但是我們不相信正義的銀行已經(jīng)破產(chǎn)，我們不相信，在這個(gè)國(guó)家巨大的機(jī)會(huì)之庫里已沒有足夠的儲(chǔ)備。因此今天我們要求將支票兌現(xiàn)，這張支票——將給予我們寶貴的自由和正義的保障。

　　我們來到這個(gè)圣地也是為了提醒美國(guó)，現(xiàn)在是非常急迫的時(shí)刻�，F(xiàn)在決非侈談冷靜下來或服用漸進(jìn)主義的鎮(zhèn)靜劑的時(shí)候。現(xiàn)在是實(shí)現(xiàn)民主的諾言的時(shí)候�，F(xiàn)在是從種族隔離的荒涼陰暗的深谷攀登種族平等的光明大道的時(shí)候，現(xiàn)在是向上帝所有的兒女開放機(jī)會(huì)之門的時(shí)候。

　　如果美國(guó)忽視時(shí)間的迫切性和低估黑人的決心，那么，這對(duì)美國(guó)來說，將是致命傷。自由和平等的爽朗秋天如不到來，黑人義憤填膺的酷暑就不會(huì)過去。1963年并不意味著斗爭(zhēng)的結(jié)束，而是開始。有人希望，黑人只要撒撒氣就會(huì)滿足；如果國(guó)家安之若素，毫無反應(yīng)，這些人必會(huì)大失所望的。黑人得不到公民的權(quán)利，美國(guó)就不可能有安寧或平靜；正義的光明的一天不到來，叛亂的旋風(fēng)就將繼續(xù)動(dòng)搖這個(gè)國(guó)家的基礎(chǔ)。

　　但是對(duì)于等候在正義之宮門口的心急如焚的人們，有些話我是必須說的。在爭(zhēng)取合法地位的過程中，我們不要采取錯(cuò)誤的做法。我們不要為了滿足對(duì)自由的渴望而抱著敵對(duì)和仇恨之杯痛飲。我們斗爭(zhēng)時(shí)必須永遠(yuǎn)舉止得體，紀(jì)律嚴(yán)明。我們不能容許我們的具有嶄新內(nèi)容的抗議蛻變?yōu)楸┝π袆?dòng)。我們要不斷地升華到以精神力量對(duì)付物質(zhì)力量的崇高境界中去。

　　現(xiàn)在黑人社會(huì)充滿著了不起的新的戰(zhàn)斗精神，但是我們卻不能因此而不信任所有的白人。因?yàn)槲覀兊脑S多白人兄弟已經(jīng)認(rèn)識(shí)到，他們的命運(yùn)與我們的命運(yùn)是緊密相連的，他們今天參加游行集會(huì)就是明證；他們的自由與我們的自由是息息相關(guān)的。我們不能單獨(dú)行動(dòng)。

　　當(dāng)我們行動(dòng)時(shí)，我們必須保證向前進(jìn)。我們不能倒退。現(xiàn)在有人問熱心民權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)的人，“你們什么時(shí)候才能滿足？”

　　只要黑人仍然遭受警察難以形容的野蠻迫害，我們就絕不會(huì)滿足。

　　只要我們?cè)谕獗疾ǘ７Φ纳碥|不能在公路旁的汽車旅館和城里的旅館找到住宿之所，我們就絕不會(huì)滿足。

　　只要黑人的基本活動(dòng)范圍只是從少數(shù)民族聚居的小貧民區(qū)轉(zhuǎn)移到大貧民區(qū)，我們就絕不會(huì)滿足。

　　只要密西西比仍然有一個(gè)黑人不能參加選舉，只要紐約有一個(gè)黑人認(rèn)為他投票無濟(jì)于事，我們就絕不會(huì)滿足。

　　不！我們現(xiàn)在并不滿足，我們將來也不滿足，除非正義和公正猶如江海之波濤，洶涌澎湃，滾滾而來。

　　我并非沒有注意到，參加今天集會(huì)的人中，有些受盡苦難和折磨；有些剛剛走出窄小的牢房，有些由于尋求自由，曾在居住地慘遭瘋狂迫害的打擊，并在警察暴行的旋風(fēng)中搖搖欲墜。你們是人為痛苦的長(zhǎng)期受難者。堅(jiān)持下去吧，要堅(jiān)決相信，忍受不應(yīng)得的痛苦是一種贖罪。

　　讓我們回到密西西比去，回到阿拉巴馬去，回到南卡羅來納去，回到佐治亞去，回到路易斯安那去，回到我們北方城市中的貧民區(qū)和少數(shù)民族居住區(qū)去，要心中有數(shù)，這種狀況是能夠也必將改變的。我們不要陷入絕望而不可自拔。

　　朋友們，今天我對(duì)你們說，在現(xiàn)在和未來，我們雖然遭受種種困難和挫折，我仍然有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想。這個(gè)夢(mèng)想是深深扎根于美國(guó)的夢(mèng)想中的。

　　我夢(mèng)想有一天，這個(gè)國(guó)家會(huì)站立起來，真正實(shí)現(xiàn)其信條的真諦：“我們認(rèn)為這些真理是不言而喻的——人人生而平等�！�

　　我夢(mèng)想有一天，在佐治亞州的紅色山崗上，昔日奴隸的兒子將能夠和昔日奴隸主的兒子同席而坐，共敘手足情誼。

　　我夢(mèng)想有一天，甚至連密西西比州這個(gè)正義匿跡，壓迫成風(fēng)的地方，也將變成自由和正義的綠洲。

　　我夢(mèng)想有一天，我的四個(gè)孩子將在一個(gè)不是以他們的膚色，而是以他們的品格優(yōu)劣來評(píng)價(jià)他們的國(guó)度里生活。

　　我今天有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想。

　　我夢(mèng)想有一天，亞拉巴馬州能夠有所轉(zhuǎn)變，盡管該州州長(zhǎng)現(xiàn)在仍然滿口異議，反對(duì)聯(lián)邦法令，但有朝一日，那里的黑人男孩和女孩將能與白人男孩和女孩情同骨肉，攜手并進(jìn)。

　　我今天有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想。

　　我夢(mèng)想有一天，幽谷上升，高山下降，坎坷曲折之路成坦途，圣光披露，滿照人間。

　　這就是我們的希望。我懷著這種信念回到南方。有了這個(gè)信念，我們將能從絕望之嶙劈出一塊希望之石。有了這個(gè)信念，我們將能把這個(gè)國(guó)家刺耳爭(zhēng)吵的聲，改變成為一支洋溢手足之情的優(yōu)美交響曲。

　　有了這個(gè)信念，我們將能一起工作，一起祈禱，一起斗爭(zhēng)，一起坐牢，一起維護(hù)自由；因?yàn)槲覀冎�，終有一天，我們是會(huì)自由的。

　　在自由到來的那一天，上帝的所有兒女們將以新的含義高唱這支歌：“我的祖國(guó)，美麗的自由之鄉(xiāng)，我為您歌唱。您是父輩逝去的地方，您是最初移民的驕傲，讓自由之聲響徹每個(gè)山岡。”

　　如果美國(guó)要成為一個(gè)偉大的國(guó)家，這個(gè)夢(mèng)想必須實(shí)現(xiàn)。讓自由之聲從新罕布什爾州的巍峨峰巔響起來！讓自由之聲從紐約州的崇山峻嶺響起來！讓自由之聲從賓夕法尼亞州阿勒格尼山的頂峰響起來！

　　演講鑒賞

　　馬丁·路德·金在演講詞中善于運(yùn)用多種修辭手段來增強(qiáng)演講的文采和藝術(shù)感染力。該演講意在改變當(dāng)時(shí)美國(guó)黑人的悲慘現(xiàn)狀，演講詞中觀點(diǎn)鮮明、邏輯性強(qiáng)，演講者運(yùn)用了排比、比喻和對(duì)比等多種修辭手法，來鼓舞聽眾情緒,喚起觀眾共鳴。

　　《我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想》朗朗上口、鏗鏘有力，為了增強(qiáng)語勢(shì)，使演說更有說服力和號(hào)召力，馬丁·路德·金在演講中使用了大量的平行結(jié)構(gòu)。其中該演講的標(biāo)志性語段就是通過使用平行結(jié)構(gòu)實(shí)現(xiàn)的。馬丁·路德·金在演講的后半部分以6個(gè)“我夢(mèng)想有一天”構(gòu)成。這6個(gè)句子層層推進(jìn)，把夢(mèng)想實(shí)現(xiàn)的范圍從大到小層層縮進(jìn)，從國(guó)家開始，到佐治亞山脈，到密西西比河州，到身邊的孩子。極具號(hào)召和感染力，真摯地表達(dá)了包括他在內(nèi)的黑人對(duì)自由、平等和美好未來的渴望、期盼與向往，把聽眾的情緒一次又次地推向高潮。同時(shí)，在演講接近尾聲時(shí)，演講者借助8個(gè)“讓自由之聲響徹……”的祈使句排比結(jié)構(gòu)號(hào)召在場(chǎng)的聽眾積極投身到追求自由和平等的民權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)中去，語勢(shì)強(qiáng)勁，感情奔放，令人聽罷精神振奮，情緒激昂。

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